The Rise of Vacancy - Part I (by Jeffery Fraser)

East Liberty Development, Inc. was still figuring out how to jump-start the housing market in the Pittsburgh neighborhood when it built 10 houses on Mellon Street across from a handful of vacant and blighted buildings. At $105,000 for three bedrooms, a bath and a half, a two-car garage and a zero-percent second mortgage for income-qualified buyers, the new homes were priced to sell.

None of them did. 

“Nobody was willing to buy on that block until we were able to tell them a good story, something concrete, about what was going to come about across the street,” said Kendall Pelling, project manager for the community development corporation. “We learned from experience that vacant and abandoned properties have a terrible impact on the housing market.”

Others are getting a similar education. Vacant and blighted properties are increasing across southwestern Pennsylvania, the state and the nation, robbing local governments of desperately needed tax revenue, consuming millions of tax dollars, eroding housing values, posing health and safety risks and complicating the already challenging job of reviving distressed neighborhoods.

In Allegheny County, a program for turning tax-delinquent vacant properties into community assets doesn’t come close to keeping pace with the rate at which properties become vacant. And the story is the same throughout southwestern Pennsylvania.

In Homewood, mapping routes to get children to and from school without exposing them to mean streets littered with vacant lots and abandoned buildings is one of the first steps the Homewood Children’s Village is taking as it attempts to improve the educational outcomes and overall well-being of children in one of Pittsburgh’s most distressed neighborhoods.

In Philadelphia, one of the few studies of the price that communities pay for vacancy and blight reports that housing values fall by 6.5 percent citywide and that at least $22 million a year is drained from the city in lost tax revenue and to cover maintenance, police and fire costs.

In Flint, Mich. and Cleveland, Ohio, land banks seize thousands of vacant tax-delinquent properties using laws Pennsylvania doesn’t have, and sells, rehabilitates or tears them down following comprehensive blight redevelopment strategies that haven’t been developed in southwestern Pennsylvania.

If there is a bright side to the growing problem, it lies in the opportunity vacant properties offer to redesign neighborhoods in ways that are better suited to their down-sized populations, such as widening narrow lots found in many former industrial towns to accommodate fewer, but more marketable parcels, and turning empty lots and buildings into greenways, community gardens, recreational space and other amenities that give local housing markets more appeal.

“Any community that has blighted and abandoned properties and sees them only as a strain and a drain is undervaluing the real estate,” said Court Gould, executive director of Sustainable Pittsburgh, which last year published a comprehensive report on vacant property in southwestern Pennsylvania. “We need to be thinking about those properties as stranded economic assets.”

East Liberty Development, Inc. got the message. The new houses on Mellon Street sold after the nonprofit bought the vacant properties across the street and came up with a plan to renovate some of the vacant houses and build new ones on the other lots.

Recent Pennsylvania legislation offers municipalities, community organizations, and even residents a more expansive menu of legal options for dealing with neglectful landlords, absentee owners and the vacant and blighted properties next door.

But when dealing with tens of thousands of vacant properties, effective intervention comes down to a question of scale. And in southwestern Pennsylvania, local government attempts to combat vacancy and blight fall far short of recovering anything but a fraction of the vacant lots and houses found along city, borough and township streets.

Over the past seven years, the Allegheny County Vacant Property Recovery Program has helped put some 500 vacant, tax-delinquent properties into the hands of buyers interested in turning them into side yards, small parks and other neighborhood-friendly uses. At that rate of recovery, the program barely makes a dent.

The percentage of vacant housing in the county jumped from 6.8 percent to 9.4 percent over the past two decades – a trend experienced in every county in the region, according to U.S. Census data. More than 55,000 housing units, including apartments, stand vacant. And the Census Bureau doesn’t count vacant lots, which greatly outnumber vacant houses.

“Even if we did 1,000 properties this year – and we won’t – I would have a job for life,” said Richard Ranii, who oversees the program as manager of the Housing and Human Services Division of the Allegheny County Economic Development Department.

A creeping crisis

Shifting, aging or declining population, weak housing markets, poor housing stock, crime, underperforming schools and other factors that make some communities less than desirable places to live -- all of these factors contribute to vacancy and blight. High mortgage foreclosure rates, decimated job markets other consequences of recession have exacerbated the problem.

Antiquated tax foreclosure systems can take years to move against delinquent properties, and many accrue several years’ worth of delinquent taxes and penalties. In depressed markets, such Homewood, where the average price paid for residential property was $9,060 in 2009, back taxes and penalties can easily exceed the market value of a house, encouraging owners to ignore its upkeep or to walk away from it entirely.

“There isn’t a place I go where someone doesn’t talk about a problem property they are frustrated with,” said Irene McLaughlin, an attorney and consultant on vacant property issues for the Housing Alliance of Pennsylvania and others.

More than 11 percent of the houses and apartments across the United States are vacant, according to the 2010 U.S. Census. In states hit hardest by the mortgage foreclosure crisis, the rate is much higher – 17.5 percent in Florida, for example, and 16.3 percent in Arizona.

Nine percent of the housing in the seven-county Pittsburgh Metropolitan Statistical Area is vacant, up from 6.8 percent in 1990.

Cities tend to have higher concentrations of vacant property, and Pittsburgh is no exception with nearly 13 percent of its houses and apartments standing vacant. Higher rates are found in several nearby cities. The vacancy rate is 19 percent in Cleveland and Youngstown, Ohio. And 15 percent of Steubenville’s housing is vacant.

Even higher concentrations are found in poor urban neighborhoods and municipalities that have endured decades of economic decline. In other words, the places shouldering the heaviest burden are the most fragile and the least likely to have the resources to do something about it.

Many pay the price

While those living on blight-ridden streets are the most directly affected, studies suggest the economic and social costs of long-standing vacancy are widely shared.

What those costs amount to in southwestern Pennsylvania is unclear. Pittsburgh’s year-old Land Recycling Task Force, planning department and others are working on an analysis of the economic impact on the city, which is expected later this year. And there is no countywide or regional accounting of the total cost of vacant property.

Philadelphia is one of the few places that examined those costs. Its study found that vacant properties reduce market values by 6.5 percent citywide and by as much as 20 percent in high-vacancy neighborhoods, resulting in an average loss in value of $8,000 for each city household. Tax-delinquent vacant properties in Philadelphia owe an estimated $70 million in back taxes, a sum that grows by $2 million every year. And vacant properties consume $20 million in city services a year, including $8 million spent on code enforcement and maintenance.

When housing values plummet, those who are hurt the most include long-time homeowners, many of them senior citizens – the very people who tend to hold together what is left of declining neighborhoods.

“We got a call last year from an elderly woman in one of those neighborhoods,” said Rob Stephany, director of the Pittsburgh Urban Redevelopment Authority. “She had a $9,000 bid from a contractor to replace her roof, which had started to leak. Her next-door neighbor’s house had sold for less than that, about $7,000. Here was a responsible, salt-of-the-earth-Greatest-Generation senior citizen asking whether she should repair her roof or just ride it out. That is loss of equity.” 

Vacant and blighted properties also play a role in unraveling of the quality of life in a neighborhood and dimming the outlooks of those who live there.

For Malik Bankston, one of the more challenging aspects taking control of vacant properties in Pittsburgh’s Larimer neighborhood and then creating gardens, parks and a safer and more vibrant place to live was convincing residents that it could be done. “It was tough getting a conversation going,” said the Kingsley Center director. “For so long, the neighborhood watched a deliberate kind of disinvestment play out, which resulted in us having one of the highest incidence of vacant and blighted property.”

More than 42 percent of the lots, houses and buildings in Larimer are unoccupied. And, like most neighborhoods with high rates of vacant and blighted property, crime rates are higher than citywide averages – in Larimer’s case, 30-50 percent higher.

In Homewood, where nearly 44 percent of the lots and 28 percent of the houses are vacant, finding ways for school children to avoid them is a priority of the Homewood Children’s Village, which is based on a program in New York’s Harlem neighborhood that concentrates community support and services on mending the social fabric and improving children’s outcomes.

“The impact of vacant and abandoned properties on kids is a real concern,” said John Wallace, a University of Pittsburgh associate professor of social work who spent several years planning the Homewood initiative. “These properties are risk factors for crime, they’re a safety risk and they’re a health risk.”

The “broken window” theory argues that is not by coincidence. The theory, introduced by social scientists James Q. Wilson and George Kelling in 1982, has become widely accepted by law enforcement. It suggests that vacant and blighted houses, abandoned cars and other visible evidence of neglect send the signal that nobody cares, erode community controls and leave neighborhoods more vulnerable to crime.

Southwestern Pennsylvania police departments don’t track the relationship between crime and vacant property. And the few local studies that looked at the relationship offer contradictory, inconclusive findings.

Evidence elsewhere suggests the relationship is not benign. Philadelphia spends close to $6 million a year on police and fire calls to vacant properties. A study published by the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago reported violent crime rates in the city rose 2.3 percent with every 0.01 percent increase in mortgage foreclosures. After a sharp rise in foreclosures and vacancy, the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department in North Carolina analyzed its records and found that high neighborhood foreclosure rates predicted higher crime rates, including violent crime, which rose steadily in those neighborhoods, but stayed much lower in places with few foreclosures.

Whether residents of neighborhoods with a high percentage of vacant, boarded-up stores and homes, litter and graffiti have a higher incidence of disease and premature death was a question RAND researchers looked at in 2003. Even after controlling for poverty, they found that those who live in deteriorating neighborhoods have higher rates of premature death and death by cardiovascular disease and homicide than people in neighborhoods that are not in decline.

That was not the only troubling effect they noted. In neighborhoods where residents were seen as willing to work toward a common good, the rate of premature deaths was lower. The one exception was in neighborhoods with a high number of vacant homes and other signs of decline, where the willingness of residents to help out made no difference.

Liabilities to assets

The flip side of vacant and blighted properties is that under the right circumstances they can be used to improve conditions in the neighborhoods they helped lead down a path of decline. In southwestern Pennsylvania, both public and private sector interest in reclaiming vacant property to add elbowroom and a little green to crowded urban neighborhoods is growing.

“With a lot of liabilities, your only option is to eliminate or reduce them. To be able to turn a liability into a asset is a unique opportunity,” said Frederick Thieman, executive director of the Buhl Foundation, which funded the Sustainable Pittsburgh report on vacant property in southwestern Pennsylvania. “Vacant property provides us with such an opportunity.”

Demolition is a common municipal response to abandoned houses. Clarksburg. W.Va. took a low-interest state loan to finance a campaign against the blight that had accumulated during decades of economic decline, tearing down nearly 300 homes. More than half of the 900 vacant houses acquired by a public land bank in Cuyahoga County, Ohio last year have been razed.

“It’s like cleaning the cancer cells out of the body so the rest can be healthy,” said Frank Ford, vice president for research and development at Neighborhood Progress, Inc., a Cleveland neighborhood development agency. “It’s hard for me to say that. Like most of my colleagues, I was a preservationist 20 years ago. We rehabbed houses. That’s not feasible now. The market isn’t going to come back until we clear out the bad stuff and allow it to come back.”

“Greening” vacant lots is an increasingly popular strategy for helping turn around distressed neighborhoods.

In Pittsburgh, the city’s Green Up Pittsburgh program has put hundreds of vacant lots in the hands of community groups and residents who use them as neighborhood green spaces and side yards. Before Larimer residents decided to reinvent themselves as a green community, nonprofits used vacant lots to introduce them to ideas such as community gardens and urban farming. And in Homewood, a community group that began gardening vacant lots a decade ago established its own urban landscaping company and youth training program.

But before any house is rehabilitated or lot seeded with sunflowers, those interested in doing the work must take title of the property, which can be a time-consuming and costly process. In some cases, their local government lends them a hand.

Allegheny County, for example, helps municipalities and others acquire vacant properties through eminent domain-like powers granted in the state’s Urban Redevelopment Authority law and pays for clearing the title, which costs about $3,000.

And Pittsburgh takes tax-delinquent properties through treasurer’s sales, “quiets” the titles and holds them in its land reserve until community groups arrange financing to buy them. But financial and staffing constraints cap acquisitions at 300 properties a year, which represents about 1.5 percent of the vacant houses and lots in the city.

Pennsylvania added a number of legal tools to help combat vacancy and blight in recent years. The state’s new conservatorship act, for example, allows community groups and others to petition courts to appoint a third party to take temporary possession of a blighted property, rehabilitate or demolish it, and then offer the property back to the owner for the cost of the work done or sell it under court supervision to someone else.

But the consensus best practice for tackling vacant property on a large scale is not available in Pennsylvania. Genesee County, Mich. and Cuyahoga County in Ohio are showing how land banking and property tax reform can be used across entire counties to take control of thousands of vacant tax-delinquent properties, keep them out the hands of slumlords and speculators and manage them as community assets.

In June, legislation to empower land banks was introduced in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives by state Rep. John Taylor (R-Philadelphia). The bill, which received the endorsement of Pittsburgh Mayor Luke Ravenstahl, is under consideration in the House Urban Affairs Committee.

But costs are an issue. Genesee County and other land banks are able to recover much, if not all, of their operating costs through sales and the collection tax liens and penalties.

Start-up costs are another matter. While a land bank in Pittsburgh is estimated to cost $3.7 million a year to operate, it could take another $15 million to clear the titles of the more than 7,500 vacant properties in the city’s inventory, according to an unpublished report prepared for the city Land Recycling Task Force.

Spending that kind of money makes many municipal officials nervous, particularly when most face serious budget shortfalls. “We run into that all of the time,” said Dan Kildee, a former Genesee County treasurer who now directs the Center for Community Progress, a nonprofit that specializes in vacant property issues. “But it ignores the costs taxpayers already pay for vacant property and abandonment. You have to measure the cost of change against the cost of the current path that we’re on. Anybody who argues that the current path we’re on is the right one isn’t examining the full cost of vacant and abandoned property.”

(Matt Stroud of PittsburghTODAY.org contributed to the reporting for this article).

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Exploring women's health issues (by Tanya Kenkre and Bernard Goldstein)

The Pittsburgh region does not compare well with benchmark regions in indicators of women’s health, both for our white and black populations.  We evaluated a variety of measures that are used to measure adult women’s health, other than those related to pregnancy.  Data from the two most recent nationwide CDC telephone surveys show that in 2006 we were last and 2008 next to last among 15 comparable regions in mammography rates for black women.  For white women we were 14th in 2006, and for 2008 we are still below average, but not as dramatically.  When we looked at another test of proven value for preventing cancer, the pap test for early cervical cancer, white women in our region also do very poorly. In 2006 we ranked 14th and in 2008 we ranked last among the 15 benchmark regions.  Pap test rates for black women are not included in this indicator because we are not satisfied that the sample size of the most recent survey leads to reliable results.  Earlier survey results, however, on Pap smears for black Pittsburghers was as negative as it is for white Pittsburghers.  

Nationwide there is no difference between white and black women over the age of 40 in mammography rates in the past two years for which data are available, both being at 75.7%, while white women in benchmark regions report somewhat higher mammography rates than black women, 77.1% vs. 74.5%.  Both white and black women in Pittsburgh are well below these averages.  Again, it is black women who have the far lower rate (57.9% vs. 72.5% in white women).  

Why do we do so poorlyin these two important measures of disease prevention?  One possible partial explanation is that women in our area have relatively low rates of health care coverage.   For white women we are third from the bottom and for black women we rank last.  This is unlikely to be the full explanation – less than 10% of white women are not covered by a health plan while close to 20% have not had a pap test within the past three years and 27.5% over the age of 40 have not had a mammogram in the past two years.  20% of black women report not having health care coverage – twice the rate of white women, but again not likely to beenough to account for the difference observed in mammography and pap smear rates.

We also compared the percent of women who reported that they did not see a doctor because of cost in the previous year.  Although indirect, this might tell us something about whether cost issues played a role in the failure to obtain mammography or a pap test.    Again, black women in the Pittsburgh MSA have a higher rate of reporting that cost was a deterrent to see a doctor than did white women (15.2% vs 12.0%); but for this indicator black women in Pittsburgh did better than the national or benchmark averages for black women, while Pittsburgh white women did somewhat worse than the benchmark average and were equal to the national average for white women. 

How good are these data?   There is always the potential for faulty sampling or misreporting on telephone survey data.  Data problems in terms of consistency across some of the possible explanatory metrics are present, so we caution against overinterpreting the findings.  The limitations of these data sources are magnified when the population size becomes too small.  For example, the pap smear rates reported for African-American women were among the lowest in comparison with benchmark areas in 2006, but in 2008 were among the highest.  This most likely represents statistical variation among surveys due to the small sample of randomly chosen women.   Mortality, which is based on all death certificates, is a much more stable measure.  Accordingly, we place more reliance on CDC’s telephone survey data for white women in the Pittsburgh area as the sample size is larger; and more reliance on mortality data than on telephone survey responses. 

One approach to check on the validity of the benchmark approach is to evaluate whether the data conforms to expectations.  In addition to data on black and white women, the CDC also reports on Hispanic women.  Because we have created few low end jobs in recent years, the Pittsburgh MSA is thought to have had a low rate of Hispanic immigrants.  The Hispanic community, although small, is on average believed to be relatively more affluent and educated than Hispanic communities in the rest of the country.  As expected, and providing some support to the overall validity of the indicator data, for both 2006 and 2008 CDC reported a much higher rate of mammography, pap smears and health plan enrollment than for Hispanic communities in other benchmark cities, and a lower rate of having not seen a doctor because of cost considerations.   Hispanic women do better than white or black women in our MSA when examining Pap tests and mammography rates; they also do better than black women when examining rates of health care coverage and not seeing a doctor due to cost.  With respect to these last two measures, they do about as well as white women in our MSA.  Nationally they do worse than white or black women in all but mammography rates which are about the same. 

Finally, and most importantly, what difference does it make that white and black women in the Pittsburgh region have lower rates for preventive activities?  One way to check is to look at breast cancer rates in our areas as compared to the benchmark areas and the rest of the country.  (We could not look at cervical cancer rates because the incidence for black women is lower than acceptable for benchmark comparisons).  Unfortunately, the breast cancer mortality rates in the Pittsburgh region are higher for both white and black women than for the rest of the US or for the benchmark areas.  In our region, the breast cancer mortality for white women in 2004, the last year for which data are available, was 27.3 per 100,000, as compared to the benchmark average of 24.9 and the national average of 23.8.  For black women, the Pittsburgh MSA mortality rate for breast cancer was 34.2 as compared to the benchmark average of 31.7 and the national average of 32.3.   In comparison to other cities we are ranked 9th for black women; but for white women only Philadelphia had a higher breast cancer mortality in 2004.  We emphasize that the data can be expected to move back and forth through the years, but the findings are consistent.   Mammography is a proven preventive measure for the early detection of breast cancer when it is far more likely to be treatable.   Low mammography rates predict that more women in our area will die of breast cancer – and that is what is happening.

What's Next, Pittsburgh? (by Harold D. Miller)

The G-20 Summit is over, and the world finally knows Pittsburgh is no longer the dirty, smoky steel town pictured in the history books. Now it’s time to stop talking about how we recovered from job losses 30 years ago and start talking about how we can accelerate job growth over the next 30 years.

The fact that we’ve lost fewer jobs than most regions during the recession doesn’t mean we’ll grow more jobs than other regions when the recovery begins. In the years following the end of the last recession, the Pittsburgh Region’s economy had the 3rd worst job growth among our benchmark regions. In fact, the region never recovered all of the jobs it lost in 2002-2003 before the current recession hit.

ChangeinBenchmarkJobs20032006 As a result, the Pittsburgh Region has fewer jobs now than in 1999, whereas more than half of our benchmark regions still have more, even after losing thousands of jobs this year.

ChangeinBenchmarkJobs19992009 The real lesson for our future doesn’t come from the past several decades, but from what happened here a century ago. Pittsburgh was once a place where entrepreneurs came to start companies, find investors, and produce products sold worldwide. Companies like Alcoa, Heinz, PPG, U.S. Steel, and Westinghouse didn’t move here because of economic development recruitment efforts. They were started here by entrepreneurs and they grew to become not only major employers themselves, but to spawn thousands of jobs in supply firms, too. The companies’ decisions about expansion and hiring were made in headquarters located in Pittsburgh, not in other cities.

There’s an important difference between attracting facilities of companies headequartered elsewhere and starting companies that will be headquartered here. The former tend to look better on the economic development scorecard in the short run, because they bring lots of jobs all at once and make bigger newspaper headlines. But the companies founded and headquartered here may be more loyal to their home region when the going gets tough. For example, in 1996, one of the region’s biggest manufacturing firms, Mine Safety Appliances, experienced a cutback in orders for protective helmets (hard hats), and needed to close one of its plants because of overcapacity. The logical choice was the plant with the highest costs and lowest productivity. At the time, that was the Murrysville plant (just east of Pittsburgh). But thanks to CEO John Ryan's commitment to his and the company's hometown, he gave the Murrysville plant a chance to improve itself before the final decision was made. The workers themselves took on the challenge to improve productivity. Within six months, productivity had jumped from 75% to 86%. As a result of the improvement, Mine Safety closed a plant in Rhode Island rather than the Murrysville plant. The Murrysville plant continued to improve, and by 2000, it was named one of the Best Plants in North America by Industry Week magazine. It might never had the chance if Mine Safety Appliances was headquartered somewhere else.

A century ago, our economic assets were natural resources like rivers and minerals. Today, Pittsburgh’s biggest assets are technology and innovation. The transformation of Carnegie Mellon, Pitt, and UPMC over the past three decades into some of the leading centers for research in the world has given our region one of the key ingredients for successful economic development in the future.

But innovations don’t turn into jobs without a second ingredient: the entrepreneurs. Although we have some great entrepreneurs in the region today, we don’t have nearly enough modern-day Andrew Carnegies and George Westinghouses who take big risks and devote themselves to bringing an idea to life. Over time, Pittsburghers came to define success as working for someone else, rather than starting and growing a business. As a result, as PittsburghToday has reported, our region now has some of the lowest rates of entrepreneurship and new business formation in the country.

A third key ingredient is investment capital. No matter how good the idea or talented the entrepreneur, if a startup business can’t get the money it needs to grow, it will be forced to close or move elsewhere. Alcoa, for example, is here today because 120 years ago, inventor Charles Martin Hall couldn’t find capital in his home state of Ohio, but received the $20,000 in seed capital he needed from Alfred E. Hunt and a small group of investors in Pittsburgh. Similarly, many of our rapidly growing technology firms are here today because of the early stage investment they’ve received through individuals and organizations such as Blue Tree Allied Angels and Innovation Works.

Unfortunately, we don’t have nearly enough angel investors in our region to support the levels of entrepreneurship we need for the future. Here again, Pittsburgh is a victim of its own success. Most angel investors in other regions are successful entrepreneurs who have profited from the growth or sale of their companies and are looking to get involved in new entrepreneurial ventures. In contrast, many of the people in Pittsburgh today with the kinds of assets needed to make such investments have experience running large established companies, not entrepreneurial ventures. So organizations like Blue Tree, Innovation Works, and the new Pittsburgh Equity Partners provide mechanisms for individuals, corporations, and foundations in Pittsburgh to support angel investment even if they don’t have the skills or interest to become angel investors themselves. The challenge will be even harder in the year ahead if the state budget (whenever it finally is enacted) includes the 50% cuts in funding for entrepreneurship and technology development programs that have been proposed by the Governor and state legislators.

Although Pittsburghers can be justifiably proud of our high rankings on quality of life, we should be embarrassed that we rank near the bottom on lists of places to start a business. Attracting entrepreneurs and helping them find investors should be a central and visible piece of our region’s economic development strategy. It’s not enough to have our technology-based organizations working on it; it has to be a priority for all of our elected officials and civic leaders, as well as the average citizen.

There is no better time to focus on entrepreneurship than now – there are likely hundreds of potential entrepreneurs among those who’ve lost their jobs here over the past year, and thousands more across the country, as well as dozens of budding entrepreneurs each year at our colleges and universities. Let’s encourage them to start a business here as enthusiastically as we welcomed our G-20 visitors. (A shorter version of this post was published as the Regional Insights column in the October 4, 2009 Pittsburgh Post-Gazette.)